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Less staff, less trust: States raise alarms about Trump’s DHS election security

As the United States approaches another pivotal election season, several state officials have expressed growing unease about the capacity and reliability of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), particularly in light of diminished staffing and lingering distrust rooted in policies from the Trump administration. While DHS remains a key federal agency tasked with assisting states in safeguarding elections from both domestic and foreign threats, its perceived credibility and operational strength have come under scrutiny.

In recent months, several state election officials have expressed concerns about depending on DHS’s cybersecurity and infrastructure protection branches. These worries arise from both organizational changes made during the prior administration and persistent resource constraints. Their concerns emphasize a larger problem within America’s fragmented electoral framework: the cooperation between state and federal bodies to safeguard a core element of democracy.

During former President Donald Trump’s tenure, the relationship between DHS and state election officials was often contentious. Despite the formation of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) in 2018—a DHS subdivision created to support critical infrastructure protection, including election systems—Trump’s rhetoric surrounding election legitimacy frequently clashed with CISA’s public statements.

In the aftermath of the 2020 election, CISA officials asserted that the vote was secure and that there was no evidence of widespread fraud. This directly contradicted Trump’s claims of electoral misconduct, leading to the firing of CISA Director Christopher Krebs, whose dismissal shocked cybersecurity experts and public officials alike. That moment marked a turning point in the perception of DHS’s neutrality and reliability among some state governments.

Now, even with new leadership in place, the agency faces lingering skepticism, especially among those who believe that its independence may have been compromised under political pressure. As a result, certain states are hesitant to fully rely on DHS for election-related support, despite growing cyber threats targeting voter databases, election infrastructure, and public trust.

Compounding the trust issue is a decline in staffing across key divisions within DHS that provide cybersecurity assistance to state and local governments. According to internal assessments and public reporting, many cybersecurity roles remain vacant, slowing the agency’s ability to offer timely support or deploy resources during critical election periods.

For instance, election authorities across multiple states mention postponed arrival of DHS risk evaluations or intelligence updates. These resources—which were previously regarded as crucial for countering cyber threats or misinformation efforts—are now more difficult to obtain because of insufficient staffing and challenging coordination between national and state entities.

In some cases, states have turned to private cybersecurity firms or established independent teams to compensate for the perceived shortfall in federal support. While these measures can provide valuable protection, they may also lead to inconsistent standards and fragmented security protocols across jurisdictions.

In response to their concerns, state election officials have sought to bolster in-house cybersecurity capabilities and forge partnerships with more trusted federal or non-governmental entities. Several states have expanded their own election security offices, hired dedicated information security officers, and increased investments in staff training and technological upgrades.

Additionally, some secretaries of state have pursued collaboration with the National Guard’s cybersecurity units or academic institutions with expertise in election integrity. These alternatives allow states to retain greater control over their systems while still benefiting from external expertise.

Even with this change, numerous states recognize that DHS still possesses useful assets, especially in areas such as threat intelligence, vulnerability assessments, and collaboration with intelligence organizations. The difficulty is in reestablishing a cooperative relationship that allows these resources to be both reliable and efficient.

Since the transition to the Biden administration, CISA has made visible efforts to restore its standing as a nonpartisan protector of election security. Under new leadership, the agency has launched outreach initiatives aimed at reassuring state officials of its commitment to transparency and neutrality. These include regular threat briefings, public webinars, and regional security summits tailored to the needs of local election administrators.

CISA has also highlighted the significance of its position as a “reliable partner,” providing complementary services like risk evaluations, intrusion detection instruments, and guidelines for safeguarding election infrastructure. Nevertheless, the lasting effects of past disputes still influence the way certain states view and employ these resources.

To address these challenges, the agency is working to expand its staffing pipeline and improve interagency coordination, but rebuilding trust remains a long-term project. Election security officials note that consistency, clear communication, and political independence will be key to strengthening these partnerships moving forward.

As cyber threats linked to elections keep changing, the significance of a unified federal-state partnership becomes increasingly crucial. Systems at the state level are often targeted by ransomware attacks, phishing schemes, and foreign influence operations. In the absence of coordinated defense plans and shared information networks, the integrity of the nation’s electoral process might face growing risks.

Experts warn that fragmentation in the security landscape—where each state acts independently with little coordination—can create weak points that adversaries exploit. DHS, with its broad mandate and access to federal intelligence, remains a uniquely positioned agency to support a unified response.

Yet that potential will only be realized if state officials trust the agency’s motives, capabilities, and professionalism. As one election official put it, “We don’t have the luxury of mistrust when the stakes are this high—but we do have to be cautious about who we trust.”

With the 2024 general election on the horizon, state and local election officials are working to finalize their cybersecurity strategies and logistical preparations. Whether DHS will play a central role in those plans remains an open question for several states, especially those still grappling with concerns over staffing and past political interference.

Some lawmakers have called for additional funding to bolster both DHS and state election offices, recognizing that robust defense requires investment at all levels. Others advocate for legislative reforms to clarify the agency’s responsibilities and insulate its leadership from political pressure.

Meanwhile, CISA continues to engage stakeholders, refine its messaging, and expand its support services in an effort to regain the confidence of all 50 states. The ultimate test will be whether those efforts translate into effective, trusted collaboration when the next major election cycle begins.

The legacy of past controversies and ongoing resource constraints have left some states questioning the reliability of the Department of Homeland Security’s role in election protection. While the agency remains a critical asset in the broader cybersecurity landscape, its ability to regain full trust from state officials depends on transparency, staffing improvements, and a demonstrated commitment to nonpartisan support.

As voting becomes increasingly intricate and cyber threats more advanced, it is crucial for all levels of government to collaborate in a safe manner. Lacking this cooperation, weaknesses extend beyond just the technological sphere—they become systemic, undermining the core of democratic engagement.

By Karem Wintourd Penn

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